To discover how shifts from traditional to digital media circulation have changed how users engage with and react to narratives surrounding images of conflict and violence, it is first necessary to consider how such narratives have historically been constructed and received. The First World War is widely regarded as the first “modern war,” marking a pivotal moment in how wars were initiated, fought, and concluded (Petkovic, 2025). This modern era of conflict provides a valuable foundation for comparison and analysis.
This research will begin with an examination of the Second World War, as it presents a rich and dynamic case for exploring the interplay between media and public perception. It will then move through the Vietnam War and the Iraq War to analyse how traditional forms of media circulation; such as print journalism and television; shaped public engagement. The focus will subsequently shift to the digital age, with an analysis of the Russo–Ukraine War and the Gaza War, both of which exemplify the influence of online and social media on the formation and dissemination of conflict narratives.
The scope of this research is intentionally framed within a Western context, primarily that of the United Kingdom and the United States. Maintaining this consistent cultural perspective allows for clearer comparative insights and minimises deviations that might otherwise arise from differing geopolitical or media frameworks.
Throughout the Second World War, the British government’s Ministry of Information was responsible for producing propaganda campaigns designed to sustain morale and foster unity on the home front. These campaigns relied heavily on illustrated and graphic works rather than photography, as illustrations offered greater flexibility and control over the imagery presented to the public. This approach allowed the Ministry to tailor visual messages precisely to each campaign’s objectives while shielding civilians from the harsher realities of war that could have undermined morale (The National Archives, no date).
By focusing on civilians rather than the armed forces, the Ministry’s propaganda promoted collective identity and emphasised the role of ordinary citizens in supporting the war effort. Such messages encouraged a sense of shared responsibility and agency, motivating the public to contribute through practical action (Howells, 2019). As Hutchinson (2014) suggests, media coverage of war can create feelings of solidarity that inspire collective support; the Ministry of Information (MOI) built upon this principle by crafting narratives that were aimed at the public taking action. In doing so, the MOI enabled the public to feel that their actions and support truly mattered to the war effort, fostering a narrative of unity and collectiveness (Howells, 2019).
Beyond direct government propaganda, media coverage of the war was primarily consumed through print sources such as newspapers and magazines (Ministry of Information, 1947). Although the British government did not formally intend to restrict press freedom during the Second World War, it nevertheless exercised considerable influence over what the press could publish. This was achieved through the distribution of official press releases, guidance notes, and official photographs provided by the MOI (Irving, 2014).
As a result, newspapers were often unable to publish detailed accounts of events due to security concerns, leading both their articles and accompanying images to focus on the broader actions and movements of the Allied forces rather than specific incidents (Taylor, 1991). This tendency was further reinforced by nationwide paper rationing, which limited the number of pages and amount of content newspapers could print in each issue (Historic Newspapers, 2016).
Consequently, newspaper coverage shifted away from detailed depictions of violence toward more general overviews of military operations, allowing editors to convey essential information more succinctly. In doing so, the press helped to construct a narrative of unity, framing the war not as a series of individual experiences but as a collective national effort (Taylor, 1991). Through the constraints placed on both factual reporting and material production, the British government effectively guided the press toward narratives around images that echoed its own themes of unity and collectiveness. Building upon the analysis of World War II, the focus now transitions to the Vietnam War, where visual media and public perception intersected in new and complex ways.
The advent of television fundamentally transformed the visibility of war by accelerating the speed at which images of conflict reached the public and reducing governments’ ability to control wartime narratives. During the Vietnam War, the U.S. government recognised that it could no longer easily restrict the circulation of images and instead sought to influence their creation through “press pools,” in which select journalists accompanied U.S. troops to document the conflict. Although this system initially allowed for some control over media coverage, it became less effective as the war progressed, and the public increasingly encountered the unfiltered realities of combat (Hallin, 1986).
Alongside this, the U.S. government attempted to shape public perception through optimistic briefings that portrayed the war as winnable and emphasised the importance of containing communism. Traditionally, official narratives had strongly guided public opinion, but during the Vietnam War, the immediacy of televised images proved far more powerful. As the first “televised war,” Vietnam offered the public unprecedented visual access to the brutality of conflict (Mandelbaum, 1982). Sontag (1971) suggests that repeated exposure to violent imagery can render it “less real”; however, because television was still a relatively new medium, audiences had not yet become desensitised. As a result, viewers reacted intensely to these shocking depictions, and their emotional engagement amplified the public’s response to the war and the narratives surrounding it.
Many interpreted television coverage of the Vietnam War as a critique of U.S. involvement, even though this was not the media’s intention. The stark contrast between the violent images broadcast on television and the government’s optimistic messaging created a deep divide in public opinion between those who supported and those who opposed the war (Kratz, 2018). President Richard Nixon (1978) later reflected on this dynamic, claiming that “whatever the intention behind such relentless and literal reporting of the war, the result was a serious demoralization of the home front.” This perception aligns with Sontag’s (1971) argument that photographs “cannot create a moral position, but they can reinforce one”. It is important to recognise that the Vietnam War unfolded during a period of significant civil unrest in the United States (Janowiecki, 2019). Many citizens were already disillusioned with the government, and thus the televised images of war did not necessarily create anti-government sentiment but rather reinforced existing dissatisfaction and opposition to authority. Despite not intending to, the images circulated to the public concerning the Vietnam war reinforced an existing narrative of dissatisfaction with the government, leading to public reaction in the form of protest and opposition against the United States involvement.
This contrasts with the earlier Korean War (1950–1953), which, although also involving the United States, received far less graphic media coverage. This was partly due to the limited adoption of television at the time, but also because post-war society was more politically and socially content (Kich, 2023). With higher public trust in government institutions, media outlets such as newspapers and radio had little incentive to challenge official narratives or publish images depicting the brutal realities of the conflict (EBSCO, 2023). This comparison reinforces that public reactions to media during the Vietnam War were not solely a product of the war’s coverage itself, but were shaped by broader societal shifts, in particular the growing disillusionment with authority and the erosion of trust in government narratives. Having explored how visual media shaped public understanding during the Vietnam War, we travel 25 years later to the Iraq War, where similar struggles over truth and political legitimacy re-emerged in a radically transformed media landscape.
While television and newspapers remained the dominant forms of media circulation during the Iraq War, both had become significantly more tabloid-like and sensationalised in tone (Barnett, 2011; Lefkowitz, 2021). The rise of the internet, advancements in mobile technology, and the emergence of 24-hour news cycles accelerated the pace and reach of information dissemination (Deibert, 2000). Moreover, the end of the Cold War and the decline of the ideological struggle against communism gave journalists greater freedom to question and critique government foreign policy (Entman, 2004). Together, these factors contributed to a press that was increasingly reactive, critical, and adversarial toward government narratives (Robinson, 2002).
To maintain a positive narrative surrounding the Iraq War, the UK government embedded journalists within front-line troops and delivered direct, strategically framed briefings to the media. During the early stages of the conflict, this approach initially succeeded in reinforcing key themes that justified British involvement (Robinson, 2009). However, this control soon deteriorated following revelations that intelligence used to justify the invasion had been deliberately exaggerated (BBC, 2004). These claims severely damaged the government’s credibility (Ipsos, 2003), and, when coupled with widespread images of destruction and civilian suffering, led the press to construct an increasingly condemnatory narrative (Davies, 2023).
Although the UK government achieved limited success in shaping how the press framed the Iraq War, these efforts had little effect on public opinion. Even before the intelligence controversy, widespread anti-war sentiment was already evident, most notably through the largest political demonstration in UK history, which saw millions march in protest (Adams, 2023). Duncombe (2020) argues that the emotions people observe in others can evoke similar emotional responses within themselves. It could therefore be interpreted that the sheer scale of this demonstration, combined with its rapid and extensive coverage across the press, acted as a catalyst in strengthening anti-war sentiment among the British public. This growing opposition was further reinforced when newspapers and television outlets turned against the government in the wake of the intelligence revelations (Davies, 2023). By attaching a condemning narrative to the imagery emerging from the conflict, the press amplified public outrage and solidified a widespread anti-war stance throughout the UK. While the Iraq War occurred on the cusp of the digital age, it is now important to consider modern and ongoing wars to explore the how the transition from traditional to digital media circulation has changed how image narratives form.